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Another fraudulent hero promoted by theBolshevik Multicult left. Red Rosa looks quite
relaxed and proud in this mugshot. Red Rosa's
actions were quite meticulously planned in
advance. The lie that Red Rosa acted in a
spontaneous manner that day is a total
fabrication of the truth. A fabrication
that is to this day treated as fact in
the Marxist school systems, and in the
Marxist media.
(Originally Published In December 2005)
A Curious Madness
‘Gilded honour shamefully misplaced.’
A curious state of madness descended on the country on October 24,
and began to dissipate only by the first week of November. Americans
lavished the praise and honor reserved only for supreme heroes on
a woman whose sole achievement was to refuse to give up her seat
on a bus.
From the moment Rosa Parks died at the age of 92, until she was
buried nine days later, virtually every politician and organ of the media
competed to see who could heap the most praise on a woman invariably
referred to as a “civil rights icon.” She became only the 30th person —
and the first woman — to lie in state in the Capitol rotunda, where
President George Bush laid a wreath. Her casket was accompanied by
a military honor guard for memorial services in Washington, before
she was buried on November 2 in a seven-hour funeral in Detroit. The
President ordered that all flags over federal buildings and bases fly at
half mast. It was an astonishing tribute to a woman whose lifetime of
achievement began and ended in one afternoon.
and began to dissipate only by the first week of November. Americans
lavished the praise and honor reserved only for supreme heroes on
a woman whose sole achievement was to refuse to give up her seat
on a bus.
From the moment Rosa Parks died at the age of 92, until she was
buried nine days later, virtually every politician and organ of the media
competed to see who could heap the most praise on a woman invariably
referred to as a “civil rights icon.” She became only the 30th person —
and the first woman — to lie in state in the Capitol rotunda, where
President George Bush laid a wreath. Her casket was accompanied by
a military honor guard for memorial services in Washington, before
she was buried on November 2 in a seven-hour funeral in Detroit. The
President ordered that all flags over federal buildings and bases fly at
half mast. It was an astonishing tribute to a woman whose lifetime of
achievement began and ended in one afternoon.
The myth that has grown up around Rosa Parks is of an exhausted
Birmingham seamstress who, in 1955, was too tired to give up her
seat and move to the colored section so a white man could sit
down. According to the myth, this spontaneous act sparked the
Montgomery bus boycott and launched the civil rights movement. In
the miles of column inches that greeted the news of her death, there
were only hints of what really happened.
In fact, Parks’s decision to keep her seat was carefully
planned by the NAACP, for which she had worked for 10
years as a secretary. Her arrest did help start the bus
boycott, but she played no role in organizing it. And though
the boycott has gone down in folklore as a great blow for
freedom, it did not even succeed; it was a court order that
integrated Birmingham’s buses.
Several black women had already done exactly what Parks
later did. They were arrested and charged with minor
infractions. Parks’s best known predecessor was Claudette
Colvin, a 15-year-old high school student who refused to
give up her seat on March 2, 1955. She was arrested and
taken off the bus kicking and screaming. Police say she was
screaming obscenities; she later claimed she was screaming
that her constitutional rights were being violated. Not even
Miss Colvin’s case was the spontaneous act for which Parks
is now generally remembered. The girl had been active in
the NAACP Youth Council, and had even discussed strategy
with Rosa Parks herself.
The NAACP considered basing a desegregation case on the
basis of Miss Colvin’s arrest but soon decided she was not
an attractive plaintiff. She was dark, and many blacks
wanted a lighter-skinned spokesman. The NAACP also
learned she was several months pregnant by a married
man, and discovered her habit of breaking out in volleys
of curses. This was not a girl conservative black
church-goers would support.
As E.D. Nixon, then a leader of the Montgomery chapter of the
NAACP, explained years later, “I had to be sure that I had somebody
I could win with.” Rosa Parks was far more promising: “morally
clean, reliable, nobody had nothing on her.”
The NAACP had been planning a bus boycott for years, and
was waiting only for the right person to act as figurehead. Far
from being an accidental hero, Parks was carefully groomed for her
role. A white integrationist, Virginia Durr, had paid for Parks
to attend civil rights strategy seminars at the Highlander Folk
School in Tennessee. The school, known to be rife with
Communist sympathizers, was under FBI surveillance.
Moreover, Parks’s role was strictly limited: keep her seat and hold her
tongue. Others swung into action immediately to organize the
boycott. The very day she was arrested — it was a Thursday — an
English professor at all-black Alabama State College named Jo Ann
Robinson stayed up all night mimeographing 35,000 leaflets calling
for a one-day bus boycott the following Monday. On Friday, she and
her students secretly leafleted elementary and high schools. As part
of a coordinated effort, Montgomery’s black preachers met and agreed
to endorse the Monday boycott from their pulpits, and to hold a mass
meeting Monday night at Holt Street Baptist Church to assess the
results. That evening, after a surprisingly successful boycott, thousands
of blacks crowded into and around the church to hear 26-year-old
Martin Luther King give his first public speech. The boycott lasted for
more than a year, with both the blacks and the bus company more
stubborn than anyone had expected. Blacks organized carpools that
even the Citizens Council had to admit operated with “military
precision.” Parks played no role in any of this.
It was not the boycott that eventually brought integration, but a court
case — and one in which Rosa Parks was not even a plaintiff. In Browder
v. Gayle — one of the four plaintiffs was foul-mouthed Claudette
Colvin — a three-panel district court in Birmingham ruled on June
19, 1956 that segregated buses were as much a violation of the 14th
Amendment as segregated schools. The Supreme Court upheld the
decision in December. Then, and only then, did Montgomery agree
to integrate its buses.
It can be argued, therefore, that the boycott was both a failure and
unnecessary. Rosa Parks was a catalyst in organizing what turned
into an impressive demonstration of black solidarity, but virtually
anyone presentable would have served equally well. Rosa Parks did
not risk death. She did not face fire hoses or police dogs. She did not
even face humiliation. She knew very well that if she was polite and
cooperated with the police she would be treated courteously. She
also knew that the NAACP and her white friends would immediately
bail her out of jail.
It is impossible, even by the most sympathetic reading, to see Rosa
Parks as anything but an unimportant actor in a drama that was not
even necessary. Not once, in the intervening 50 years, did she do
anything of the slightest importance. Black congressman John Conyers
gave her a job in his Detroit office, apparently more out of courtesy
than because of her abilities. As she grew older, she mismanaged her
finances, and depended on a local church to pay her rent. Eventually,
her landlord simply stopped charging.
Rosa Parks has dined out — and become a hero of
American history — on the basis of a single half hour of
immobility. Surely, never in the history of the world, has
so small an act won such praise.
The last few years have been building up to the extraordinary
excesses we have just witnessed. In 1996, President William
Clinton presented Parks with the Presidential Medal of
Freedom, and in 1999, Congress voted her its Gold
Medal. These, too, are exalted honors.
Blacks are not likely to complain if whites make a demigod
of an unimportant woman, but why do whites bow their
heads before such transparent fraud? There is no satisfactory
answer. Americans are never happier than when glorifying
non-whites who have denounced the alleged sins of
whites. The adulation of Rosa Parks is just another chapter
in the lemming-like rush to destruction whites everywhere
appear to have joined. If a still-majority-white Congress and
Senate can vote by acclamation to make Rosa Parks the first woman
to lie in state in the rotunda, any act of racial self-mortification is possible.
http://www.amren.com/ar/2005/12/index.html#article2
Birmingham seamstress who, in 1955, was too tired to give up her
seat and move to the colored section so a white man could sit
down. According to the myth, this spontaneous act sparked the
Montgomery bus boycott and launched the civil rights movement. In
the miles of column inches that greeted the news of her death, there
were only hints of what really happened.
In fact, Parks’s decision to keep her seat was carefully
planned by the NAACP, for which she had worked for 10
years as a secretary. Her arrest did help start the bus
boycott, but she played no role in organizing it. And though
the boycott has gone down in folklore as a great blow for
freedom, it did not even succeed; it was a court order that
integrated Birmingham’s buses.
Several black women had already done exactly what Parks
later did. They were arrested and charged with minor
infractions. Parks’s best known predecessor was Claudette
Colvin, a 15-year-old high school student who refused to
give up her seat on March 2, 1955. She was arrested and
taken off the bus kicking and screaming. Police say she was
screaming obscenities; she later claimed she was screaming
that her constitutional rights were being violated. Not even
Miss Colvin’s case was the spontaneous act for which Parks
is now generally remembered. The girl had been active in
the NAACP Youth Council, and had even discussed strategy
with Rosa Parks herself.
The NAACP considered basing a desegregation case on the
basis of Miss Colvin’s arrest but soon decided she was not
an attractive plaintiff. She was dark, and many blacks
wanted a lighter-skinned spokesman. The NAACP also
learned she was several months pregnant by a married
man, and discovered her habit of breaking out in volleys
of curses. This was not a girl conservative black
church-goers would support.
As E.D. Nixon, then a leader of the Montgomery chapter of the
NAACP, explained years later, “I had to be sure that I had somebody
I could win with.” Rosa Parks was far more promising: “morally
clean, reliable, nobody had nothing on her.”
The NAACP had been planning a bus boycott for years, and
was waiting only for the right person to act as figurehead. Far
from being an accidental hero, Parks was carefully groomed for her
role. A white integrationist, Virginia Durr, had paid for Parks
to attend civil rights strategy seminars at the Highlander Folk
School in Tennessee. The school, known to be rife with
Communist sympathizers, was under FBI surveillance.
Moreover, Parks’s role was strictly limited: keep her seat and hold her
tongue. Others swung into action immediately to organize the
boycott. The very day she was arrested — it was a Thursday — an
English professor at all-black Alabama State College named Jo Ann
Robinson stayed up all night mimeographing 35,000 leaflets calling
for a one-day bus boycott the following Monday. On Friday, she and
her students secretly leafleted elementary and high schools. As part
of a coordinated effort, Montgomery’s black preachers met and agreed
to endorse the Monday boycott from their pulpits, and to hold a mass
meeting Monday night at Holt Street Baptist Church to assess the
results. That evening, after a surprisingly successful boycott, thousands
of blacks crowded into and around the church to hear 26-year-old
Martin Luther King give his first public speech. The boycott lasted for
more than a year, with both the blacks and the bus company more
stubborn than anyone had expected. Blacks organized carpools that
even the Citizens Council had to admit operated with “military
precision.” Parks played no role in any of this.
It was not the boycott that eventually brought integration, but a court
case — and one in which Rosa Parks was not even a plaintiff. In Browder
v. Gayle — one of the four plaintiffs was foul-mouthed Claudette
Colvin — a three-panel district court in Birmingham ruled on June
19, 1956 that segregated buses were as much a violation of the 14th
Amendment as segregated schools. The Supreme Court upheld the
decision in December. Then, and only then, did Montgomery agree
to integrate its buses.
It can be argued, therefore, that the boycott was both a failure and
unnecessary. Rosa Parks was a catalyst in organizing what turned
into an impressive demonstration of black solidarity, but virtually
anyone presentable would have served equally well. Rosa Parks did
not risk death. She did not face fire hoses or police dogs. She did not
even face humiliation. She knew very well that if she was polite and
cooperated with the police she would be treated courteously. She
also knew that the NAACP and her white friends would immediately
bail her out of jail.
It is impossible, even by the most sympathetic reading, to see Rosa
Parks as anything but an unimportant actor in a drama that was not
even necessary. Not once, in the intervening 50 years, did she do
anything of the slightest importance. Black congressman John Conyers
gave her a job in his Detroit office, apparently more out of courtesy
than because of her abilities. As she grew older, she mismanaged her
finances, and depended on a local church to pay her rent. Eventually,
her landlord simply stopped charging.
Rosa Parks has dined out — and become a hero of
American history — on the basis of a single half hour of
immobility. Surely, never in the history of the world, has
so small an act won such praise.
The last few years have been building up to the extraordinary
excesses we have just witnessed. In 1996, President William
Clinton presented Parks with the Presidential Medal of
Freedom, and in 1999, Congress voted her its Gold
Medal. These, too, are exalted honors.
Blacks are not likely to complain if whites make a demigod
of an unimportant woman, but why do whites bow their
heads before such transparent fraud? There is no satisfactory
answer. Americans are never happier than when glorifying
non-whites who have denounced the alleged sins of
whites. The adulation of Rosa Parks is just another chapter
in the lemming-like rush to destruction whites everywhere
appear to have joined. If a still-majority-white Congress and
Senate can vote by acclamation to make Rosa Parks the first woman
to lie in state in the rotunda, any act of racial self-mortification is possible.
http://www.amren.com/ar/2005/12/index.html#article2
